Kwaito: A Social & Cultural Tool for Black South African Youth

A man in Alexandra sports kwaito street-wear  

Kwaito is a leading musical genre and sub-culture amongst “black” youth living in the townships of contemporary South Africa. Given its status as a relatively new and developing genre, it is still a topic in need of further research. Furthermore, because it has been influenced by a variety of international genres and cultures it is difficult to define. While its history and influences are ambiguous, this does not detract from the significance kwaito has had in forming a sense of identity for “black” South Africans in post-Apartheid South Africa.

For the sake of clarity I would like to identify racial terminology, developed in Apartheid-era South Africa and still commonly used today, that I will be referring to. In South Africa “white” is used to refer to peoples of European descent (primarily British and Dutch colonizers, but some German and French). “Colored/Coloured” refers to peoples of mixed descent who hold a sort of middle-ground status due to their descent from white colonizers and slaves who came primarily from Madagascar, Indonesia, and local indigenous groups (such as the Khoisan). ”Black” is an umbrella term used to refer to indigenous ethnic groups (such as the Xhosa, Sotho, and Zulu) who held sovereignty prior to the colonization of the country. While I will focus on the significance of kwaito to populations of black South Africans within the townships, it is important to note that during Apartheid the colored population was also segregated to respective township communities.

My sources varied in their definitions of kwaito, referring to it as “South Africa’s counterpart to rap” (Stiengo 2007:26) or  “a style of popular dance music featuring rhythmically recited backing with strong bass lines . . . named after AmaKwaito, a group of 1950s gangsters in Sophiatown, from Afrikaans kwaai, ‘angry, vicious’” (Sizwe 2008:92). Developed from an amalgam of influences, kwaito is difficult to succinctly characterize. Naturally, common misconceptions have arisen due to its ambiguous nature, thus there is one misconception I found important to clarify. Numerous articles depict kwaito as having emerged in the 1990s as a celebrated response to the end of apartheid. Instead, Gavin Stiengo asserts that there is “ample evidence that the form of music we today call ‘kwaito’ emerged, not in the ‘celebratory’ early 1990s as most people believe, but rather in the far more ambiguous and violent 1980s.” What is important to consider is the possibility that larger global shifts, such as implementation of a capitalist socio-political culture in South Africa, played a more significant role in contributing to kwaito culture than the end of Apartheid and the contributions of “bubblegum” music. (Stiengo 2008:77) Kwaito, like other musical genres, is simply a product of development that is carefully crafted through the experiences and history of those who develop it.

Students in Soweto influenced by Mpantsula style

          The formation of kwaito within black townships reflects the search for identity. Faced with the freedoms of recently liberated South Africa, black South African youths were seeking to find cultural understanding and new opportunities. “These youth have been denied historical identity by the legacy of Apartheid and by exclusion from the liberation struggle, in which they were too young to play a role” (Swartz 2008:21). However, this generation had to face its own struggle— Apartheid-era segregation clumped together black South Africans without taking into account ethnic differences.  The development of a distinct youth subculture would require the inclusion of diverse backgrounds within the townships.

Kwaito music employs languages such as isiZulu, Sesotho, isiXhosa, and tsotsitaal—a dynamic form of township slang that combines the various ethnic languages and is used as “a means of in-group communication.” (Sizwe 2008:91) Tsotsitaal has enabled the formation of a platform of commonality amongst an eclectic mix backgrounds and languages in the black townships. Part of the dynamism of tsotsitaal seems to derive from the flexibility of indigenous languages. “Xhosa language speakers are familiar with various language varieties as socialized into various community and ‘ethnic’ relationships.” “Holnipha” for instance, is a variation of Xhosa to be used by married women. A separate variation would also be used by young Xhosa males attending initiation school. (Sizwe 2008:93) The Xhosa ability to design a linguistic “dialect” for a specific context seems to contribute to the inventiveness of kwaito lyrical content. 

Example: “amaboblosh” defined as “fancy glasses” in kwaito. The prefix “ama” is followed by the first syllable of the verb “bona” which means "to see", and “blosh” is believed to be “just a funky ending, showing perhaps that the ‘fancy gasses’ may be a status symbol.” (Sizwe 2008:97) 

            Khaya, a participant in a research interview, described that in the black township of KwaMashu “you walk past a house . . . and they’re all playing [house music and kwaito] . . . you become so used to it that it becomes a part of you.” As the community becomes socialized around kwaito music the “notion of a shared experience amongst those living in the black townships creates a common experience around music and community.” (Robertson 2011:461)  But is the concept of community more than skin deep?  While kwaito is often portrayed as “black township music,” realistically it is complicated by its interaction with language, race and class.

Tina is a “Model C,” a term used to describe a black South African who left the townships at an early age and transferred to a previously all-white school (the so-called “Model C schools”) which began to admit small numbers of black, colored, and Indian students in 1990. Her interview describes her complicated relationship with kwaito. “[When I listen to kwaito] there is an awareness that I don’t go to the townships anymore . . . So in that sense kwaito is my last link with the whole township vibe.”  Tina could only partially identify with kwaito and her status was reinforced by those who lived in townships, “These peers mocked her at times for not understanding all the slang of the references to township life in kwaito lyrics.” (Robertson 2011:463-464) Kwaito becomes complicated as it moves beyond the music and into a racialized lifestyle. As the township experience becomes internalized into kwaito culture, those who move out are subjected to “outsider” status. Consequently, kwaito develops its own form of apartheid for those who do not meet the appropriate “qualifications.” Hailed as an opportunity for a formerly oppressed people, it ironically utilizes its own form of exclusion. Black South Africans who do not relate to the township lifestyle and the complexities of tsotsitaal are relegated to the peripheries of the culture. Exclusion from kwaito culture transcends barriers of race and language, and inserts itself into community based exclusivity. Barriers to” insider” status are thus broader than typically depicted. (http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/photobooth/2010/06/krisanne-johnson.html#slide_ss_0=6)
The almost exclusive use of tsotsitaal in kwaito creates a “local” subculture for blacks within the townships, while excluding white and colored South Africans who speak mostly English or Afrikaans, as well as blacks who no longer live in townships nor understand the township slang. “The language of kwaito makes ‘white’ people feel uncomfortable, out of place and— ironically— second-rate citizens. They know neither the moves, dress code, nor (street) language that is kwaito. It is a sardonic reversal from Apartheid days.” (Swartz 2008:21-22) Because insider status is contingent on familiarity with township life and an understanding of indigenous languages, especially tsotsitaal, post-Apartheid South Africa has managed to create a complete reversal of exclusion between black and white South Africans.

“There’s ownership of the music, I think that’s the key thing. It originates out of the townships. . . I think people are very proud of it, the youth especially.” -Adrian Louw, program integrator of Bush Radio (http://bushradio.wordpress.com/about/) (Bosch 2008:80)

Youth adorning the "Spotti" in Soweto Township

            What the youth seeks is a sense of identity, an experience which will define the new standard of contemporary South Africa. Unable to identify with their parent’s struggles, this generation struggles to develop a culture and lifestyle that is their own. Swartz references (Clarke et al. 1997:110)  that “Kwaito style is distinctive and like other youth subculture styles ‘dress, appearance, language, ritual occasions, styles of interaction, music…form a unity…which then defines the group’s public identity.’” (Swartz 2008:26) Black youth are at the forefront in developing a distinct identity in opposition to Western influences. This identity seems to present itself through mpantsula style, synonymous with kwaito subculture. (http://www.gaia-photos.com/south-africa-pantsula-dancers/) A staple of mpantsula style is the “Spotti.” What is essentially a “floppy sun hat,” has become a “mainstay of South African ‘black’ urban street wear” for two culturally significant reasons. The Spotti was worn by cricket players, “cricket is a symbol of British colonization and a sport played by the (previously) dominant upper-class ‘white’ elite.” Use of the Spotti thus serves to mock the former white colonial elites. Furthermore, the Spotti is “not the ubiquitous American baseball cap” showing another way in which South African youth are making strong efforts to distance themselves Western cultural hegemony. (Swartz 2008:27)

All Stars are the staple footwear in kwaito street culture

Another staple to kwaito street style is the use of Converse All Stars which, as a consequence of Apartheid-era trade embargoes and boycotts, are frequently imitated for the economical budget of young South African kwaito fans. (Swartz 2008:27) While kwaito can be “culturally comparable to hip-hop in that it has become an entire youth subculture with the means for creating new identities” (Swartz 2008:19), kwaito represents a “spectacular vernacular genre” due to its “departure from traditional South African ‘black’ pop or traditional African music, as well as due to its runaway popularity, success and potential for ‘black’ economic empowerment . . .” (Swartz 2008: 29) (http://vimeo.com/30360616)

Children run through the streets of Soweto

The kwaito certainly holds strong economic potential. In fact, the kwaito industry is a “US $130 million dollar a year industry,” and is almost entirely black owned and operated. (Swartz 2008:25) (http://yworld.co.za/about-us/)  The black demographic majority proudly touts the booming success of kwaito in challenging Western “colonization” of South African industries and consumers. Yet it is just like any other economic market— it’s about maximizing profits. The exploitation of a population for profit has simply moved from white to black South Africans. “While 57% of South Africans (the vast majority of them ‘black’) currently live below the poverty line . . . even those youth who are clearly poor spend a disproportionate amount of money on (street cultural) attire and music.” (Swartz 2008:26)  Accomplished kwaito artists and producers are profiting from a population that, for the most part, cannot afford such a lifestyle. The new black elite must recognize the scarce opportunities for black youth and assist in the development of community partnerships to facilitate a more accessible means of advancement for a larger portion of the black population. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1hCZGK7lVBU)

Kwaito culture quickly garnering international interest

Beyond the challenges faced by the kwaito subculture, it seems as though the exchange of international influences is witnessing something of a reversal. With increased accessibility to international consumers, “kwaito artists are increasingly writing their lyrics in English in order to capture mainstream markets.” (Swartz 2008:22) Swartz adds that American hip-hop groups are beginning to sample South African kwaito, such as P.Diddy who sampled from the group TKZee (http://vimeo.com/43680304).  (Swartz 2008:29) Other artists such as Beyoncé and Basement Jaxx (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9z8tpaxaipU) have utilized the mpantsula style dance in their music videos. (Bischof Dec. 2013) Expanded accessibility to talent through the use of social media (i.e. Facebook, YouTube, etc.) has helped black South Africans showcase their talents for the world to see. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fg76pfGhdDI) As kwaito youth culture gradually penetrates external cultures with their unique dance moves and fashion sense, perhaps kwaito music will soon achieve a similar level of international popularity.

          What seems most threatening to kwaito is not Western hegemony or colonization, but their propagated barriers to kwaito culture based in race, language, and the township community. In a 1994 pre-election survey, only 44% of the sample identified as “South Africans” (Welsh 1996:491). I believe the apolitical nature of kwaito and this persistence of disunity will make it difficult for kwaito to rise from its status as "genre of the black townships.” One might ask:“Will kwaito ever be capable of expanding as a genre if it continues to isolate itself?” I believe this will be an important point of observation for future research. Apartheid has only ended in recent decades. Understandably, tensions will not cease overnight. (http://yworld.co.za/swing-vote/) While it seems that in the immediate future kwaito will remain primarily within the black townships, South Africa is a rapidly progressing society. I predict that these tensions will fade in time and in the process kwaito will become truly “South African.

Bibliography

1. Welsh, David. "Ethnicity in Sub-Saharan Africa." International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Ethnicity and International Relations (Jul.1996), Vol. 72 No. 3, pp. 477-491

2. Swartz, Sharlene. "Is Kwaito South African Hip-hop? Why the Answer Matters and Who It Matters To." The World of Music, Kwaito (2008), Vol. 50 No. 2, pp. 15-33 

3. Steingo, Gavin. "The Politicization of 'Kwaito': From the 'Party Politic' to Party Politics." Black Music Research Journal, Spring 2007, Vol. 27 No. 1, pp. 23-44

4. Steingo, Gavin. "Historicizing Kwaito." African Music, 2008, Vol. 8 No. 2, pp. 76-91

5. Sayto, Sizwe. "A Linguistic Study of Kwaito." The World of Music, Kwaito 2008, Vol. 50 No. 2, pp. 91-102

6. Bosch, Tanja."Kwaito on Community Radio: The Case of Bush Radio in Cape Town, South Africa." The World of Music, Kwaito 2008, Vol. 50 No. 2, pp. 75-89

7. Robertson, Mary. "The Constraints of Colour: Popular Music Listening and the Interrogation of ‘Race’ in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Popular Music, 2011, Vol. 30 No. 3, pp. 455-470

8. Biscof, Jackie. “See Ya, Twerk. It’s Pantsula Time.” Wall Street Journal 4 Dec. 2013. Web. 5 May 2014.
URL: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303985504579205952795099492

Stills

1. http://www.peranderspettersson.com/: “Soweto: South Africa” & “Rainbow Transit: South Africa”

2. http://www.krisannejohnson.com/: “South Africa” & The New Yorker-http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/photobooth/2010/06/krisanne-johnson.html#slide_ss_0=1 

3. The Guardian- http://www.theguardian.com/music/musicblog/2008/jan/31/sowetostringsnalden

Audio Visuals

1.Red Bull Beat Battle 2011: http://vimeo.com/30360616

2. Langa Township: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1hCZGK7lVBU

3. TKZee “Dlala Mapantsula”:http://vimeo.com/43680304

4. Basement Jaxx “What A Difference Your Love Makes”: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9z8tpaxaipU

5. Red Bull Beat Battle- Meet ‘Real Action’: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fg76pfGhdDI

Web Materials

1. Wall Street Journal: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303985504579205952795099492

2. The New Yorker: http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/photobooth/2010/06/krisanne-johnson.html#slide_ss_0=1

3. LUZ Photo (in Italian): http://www.luzphoto.com/works/?p=1221

4. Yworld: http://yworld.co.za/about-us/ & http://yworld.co.za/swing-vote/

5. Bush Radio: http://bushradio.wordpress.com/about/

6. Gaia Photos: http://www.gaia-photos.com/south-africa-pantsula-dancers/

Critical Review on "'Mannenberg': Notes on the Making of an Icon and Anthem" by Mason

Mason discusses Abdullah Ibrahim's [Dollar Brand] composition of "Mannenberg" as a success due to it's "authentically South African mode of expression within the jazz tradition. . ." "Mannenberg" is celebrated by the South African couloured community because it is perceived as iconic to their culture and, through the efforts of musicians Coetzee and Jansen, is an important symbol of the anti-apartheid struggle.

In New York city, Ibrahim questioned his own identity and nationalism as the black nationalist movement was in motion in the United States. Although he had some success in the U.S. with his unique style of jazz, blending American jazz and "his native musical heritage," he returned to Cape Town to encourage the coloured community to seize their identity. Instead, they rejected Ibrahim's "Cape Town jazz" and continued to support American and European music. Eventually Ibrahim changed his style to create a jazz-rock fusion so that he could "make music 'which the people understand.'" This music appealed to the coloured community of Cape Town  and became even more popular as the American black nationalist movement influenced the people of Cape Town. This led me to wonder, do even the most stubborn musicians feel pressure to change their style based on appealing to what "the people understand?" Do the audience always seek what is most cosmopolitan? Are international influences too strong to support local musicians seeking to appeal to a wide audience?

Critical Review on White's "Soukouss of Sell-Out?"

In this reading, White examines the relationship between commercialization and the understanding of culture and music as a local product that becomes commercialized. White specifically observes soukouss, defining it as "a particular form of Congolese music that targets primarily non-Congolese audiences." 

While White portrays soukouss as a form of music that is purposely marketed for foreign audiences, this view is challenged on pg. 45 when Loukassa ya Mbongo says, "There are more than 300 ethnic groups in the Congo . . . One group talks and the group next to them doesn't understand a thing . . . And there is one language that reunites us, Lingala. That is our advantage. When you're in Lumbumbashi you'll hear other music, but when we play soukouss it brings everyone together." While White may seem to believe soukouss is marketed for foreigners, does this quote show otherwise? Does it show that soukouss is actually a tool to unite a diverse Congo around a genre of music that can be identified with Congo as a whole rather than a specific group of people within Congo?

Ethnographic Description

       The performance event I attended for my ethnographic description was “Contemporary African Dance with Jamal Jackson” through the Rhythm of Change event here at Brown. The event was held at the Ashamu dance studio. The audience consisted solely of Shandell and I who objectively observed from the audience seating area. We faced the performers, Jamal, and the drummers who were opposite of us. A very diverse group of individuals characterized the participants/performers. No racial or ethnic group dominated amongst the performers, mostly females participated but also a handful of males were present. Most participants were undergraduate students from Brown while some perhaps were not. Attendance was open to all but it seemed that a fee was required. While some participants attended with friends, a substantial number of people arrived individually. Experience level varied from beginners to more experienced dancers. Jamal, taught and led the performers, and helped guide the dancers through different movements and certain musical cues. The music was performed by four male drummers who were either African or of African-American descent, one of them being Seydou Coulibaly. Two of the drummers played by striking the drums by hand, one played two adjacent drums with sticks, and another played one drum with sticks.

Jamal began by explaining to the performers that he likes to “break from the traditional and do a more contemporary interpretation of dance.” He began by leading a warm-up of stretches to shake out and loosen up the muscles. Participants were either barefoot or wore socks and wore loose and comfortable clothing to allow movement. The warm-up was accompanied by music played by the drummers, who performed a steady musical accompaniment to the dance which seemed to be characterized by polyrhythm and a steady tempo. As the warm-up became more active, the musical tempo and volume increased. Jamal’s role was central in introducing new techniques of movement or dance. He started with simpler movements in the beginning and then moved onto more difficult sequences further into the event. Each new sequence was characterized by a different musical accompaniment to match the performance. It accented different sounds and signaling different cues. Jamal communicated to the dancers which movements to do, which notes to listen for through verbalizing them, and then he performed which movements matched what portion of the music. Dancers were broken into smaller groups when performing as they went down the studio and towards the drummers. They would first observe and motion along, but after enough time practicing they could sufficiently integrate it into a sequence of movements that fit together with the musical cues. These cues helped signaled certain foot or arm movements. It seemed to be a very integrated experience as the drummers looked to Jamal to know what rhythm to play, Jamal would convey to the dancers the movements to fit with the music, and the drummers and dancers would interact so that certain cues could help assist them through the performance. It was a very encouraging environment and a lot of effort was required by everyone participating in the experience.

       We were able to speak with some of the drummers at the end who gave us more details about their role and the instruments. We were told that the instruments they used were the djembe and the dun dun of West Africa, more specifically from Mali or Guinea. The djembe has three sounds that are played, while the dun dun has one sound which is used to keep a constant beat. Every drummer plays their own accompaniment and it all comes together as the music that was heard, but at times the djembe may improvise to match what the dancers are doing. The djembe follows what the dancers do, and the dancers follow the dun dun because it helps them keep their place. Overall it was an enjoyable experience and I would recommend it to others interested in African music and dance.

Critical Review on "Agbekor Music & Dance of the Ewe People"

In this article, the history and significance of the Agebekor, a traditional type of singing and drumming that originated as a war dance among the Ewe people, is discussed and the musical components of it are analyzed.
Something that stood out to me in the article was how the author conveyed Agbekor and the importance of lineage among the Ewe as sacrosanct. Yet on pg. 94 it seems that the tradition has been lost in many villages and has become a source of national sponsorship in Ghana as a professional performing-art troupe to attempt to maintain its significance. Has Agbekor, and other nationally sponsored performing-art troupes, lost touch with its cultural importance by becoming more formalized? In reference to the Agawu and Merriam articles, is it possible to convey the significance and uniqueness of Agbekor if the author continually makes use of an "Etic" ("outsider") viewpoint and "prescriptive notation" when he is analyzing/describing Ewe culture and Agbekor music?

Final Project Intended Research Materials/Scholarly Sources

I have listed below scholarly sources which I consider using for as my research materials for my final project:

1. Welsh, David. "Ethnicity in Sub-Saharan Africa." International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-) , Vol. 72, No. 3, Ethnicity and International Relations (Jul., 1996), pp. 477-491

- Welsh examines the association of ethnic identities with the colonial period and the 'instrumentalist' contention that ethnicity was invented for political purposes. He examines the coping mechanisms African states use in dealing with ethnicity, and pays particular attention to the 'hegemonical exchange model' of Donald Rothchild. Welsh concludes with a discussion of attitudes towards ethnicity in post-apartheid South Africa. I intend to use this article to try to understand the context of Kwaito within the township culture and perhaps try to gain a greater understanding of its connection with the concept of "hegemony" and colonialism.

2. Swartz, Sharlene. "Is Kwaito South African Hip-hop? Why the Answer Matters and Who It Matters To." The World of Music , Vol. 50, No. 2, Kwaito (2008), pp. 15-33

- In this paper Swarz asks whether South Africa's kwaito music is an indigenous form of hip-hop or what she calls an "original 'spectacular vernacular'", and considers how the difference between kwaito and hip-hop is constructed and performed. I'm not sure what a "spectacular vernacular" is but hope to see some clarification of it within her article. Swartz says that while kwaito's provenance is similar to that of hip-hop, understanding the complex politics of kwaito deepens our understanding of identity and resistance in the context of the South African racial taxonomy and political history. She finally intends to conclude by interpreting the style or "reading" some of the cultural artefacts associated with kwaito, the ambivalent relationship between young "black" South Africans and the various dominant groups against which they rail is highlighted. I hope to use this resource for insight into the uniqueness of kwaito culture.

3. Steingo, Gavin. "The Politicization of 'Kwaito': From the 'Party Politic' to Party Politics."

Black Music Research Journal , Vol. 27, No. 1 (Spring, 2007), pp. 23-44

- Steingo observes how kwaito has been drawn into the political sphere. He analyzes how kwaito as an “apolitical” concept becomes political through its opposition to the political. This concept seems confusing but through a deeper reading I believe it could present some interesting insight into the political nature of kwaito.

4. Steingo, Gavin. "Historicizing Kwaito." African Music, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2008), pp. 76-91

- Steingo provides a deeper historical context that seeks to divert from the typical claims of most scholars with regards to the history of kwaito in South Africa, and attempts to provide a more careful assessment to kwaito history by observing other academic works. I think this resource will be useful in dispelling misconceptions and can provide a more accurate historical narrative of kwaito music's development within South Africa.

5. Sayto, Sizwe. "A Linguistic Study of Kwaito" The World of Music , Vol. 50, No. 2, Kwaito (2008), pp. 91-102

- Sizwe Observes “the creative uses of kwaito-speech, and the process underlying its creativity, exploring the etymology of selected examples.” He notes that kwaito-speak is a variation of language spoken by kwaito fans in South Africa. Since Sizwe analyzes how kwaito-speak is important in understanding the kwaito subculture, I think it will be a very relevant source of information. 

6. Bosch, Tanja."Kwaito on Community Radio: The Case of Bush Radio in Cape Town, South Africa."

The World of Music , Vol. 50, No. 2, Kwaito (2008), pp. 75-89

-Through interviews and observation of Bush Radio in Cape Town, South Africa, the article observes Bush Radio’s use of kwaito music, and how it contributes towards development of community. Bosch puts kwaito within a cultural studies framework and argues the strategic applications of kwaito that Bush Radio employees use to create and sustain “a divided community in search of a new black identity. I believe this case study will be useful in observing the use of kwaito music as a political or social tool. 

7. Robertson, Mary. "The Constraints of Colour: Popular Music Listening and the Interrogation of ‘Race’ in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Popular Music (2011), 30, pp 455-470.

 - Robertson's abstract notes: "In post-apartheid popular culture, there is a tension between the persistence of ‘race’ as a structural category of difference, and its transformation in the lives of young South Africans. Through the examination of case-studies, I explore how popular music may allow for the mediation of this tension. Drawing on Heidegger's notion of an ‘equipmental whole’ to conceptualise ‘race’, I discuss the specific ways in which individuals may come to an awareness of the potential fluidity of racial identities, and the role of music-listening practices in this process. I argue that reflecting on articulations between music and racial categories allowed listeners to critique understandings of ‘race’ underpinning post-apartheid political discourse. Such a critique enabled listeners either instrumentally to affirm a reconfigured understanding of a racial identity, or to reject ‘race’ as a meaningful category of difference altogether." There are a lot of key pieces of information to pay attention to in this article but it will be useful in understanding how music can be used among youth to transcend racial identities. 

Critical Review on "African Musical Rhythm and Concepts of Time-Reckoning" by Alan Merriam

In this reading, Merriam distinguishes the concepts of time-reckoning from a Western point of view, a Western point of view in regards to African musical rhythm, and the African concept of time-reckoning (both in specific cases and as a generalization). He recognizes key assumptions that are commonly attributed to the African musical rhythm from an "outsider looking in" perspective. Merriam then is able to provide details about differing concepts of time-reckoning and how this can affect concepts of rhythm, culture, or music.

 The Western view tends to be characterized by separating time into a distance that moves further and further away from the starting point. In the Western view, time is viewed as a constant source divides up our moments, experiences, outlook on life and our daily functions. In applying the Western viewpoint on African musical rhythm, many scholars are able to distinguish Western terms that are associated with a rhythm or beat that is able to keep the performance in time, and serves a repetitive function. This Western viewpoint imposed on African musical rhythm does not compare the varying African concepts of time and how it applies to culture and music. In his final section, Merriam does observe Time from the African point of view, in which he distinguishes varying outlooks of time as: "non-repetitive" (454), "non linear" and "not reckoned as a distance", or "measured as an apparatus" (456). Merriam even mentions a scholar's general observation that time within Africa is organized primarily in terms of the past and present but never the future, and the concept of a numerical calendar is non existent. Considering the observations brought forward in this reading, I am curious to ask: Can we distinguish something unique about different cultures and musical styles within Africa by looking at the ways time is perceived, and compare it to the way the Western-world observes time and its impact on Western culture & music?