Chelsie's Music of Africa Blog: May 2014

A man in Alexandra sports kwaito street-wear

Kwaito is a leading musical genre and sub-culture amongst “black” youth living in the townships of contemporary South Africa. Given its status as a relatively new and developing genre, it is still a topic in need of further research. Furthermore, because it has been influenced by a variety of international genres and cultures it is difficult to define. While its history and influences are ambiguous, this does not detract from the significance kwaito has had in forming a sense of identity for “black” South Africans in post-Apartheid South Africa.

For the sake of clarity I would like to identify racial terminology, developed in Apartheid-era South Africa and still commonly used today, that I will be referring to. In South Africa “white” is used to refer to peoples of European descent (primarily British and Dutch colonizers, but some German and French). “Colored/Coloured” refers to peoples of mixed descent who hold a sort of middle-ground status due to their descent from white colonizers and slaves who came primarily from Madagascar, Indonesia, and local indigenous groups (such as the Khoisan). ”Black” is an umbrella term used to refer to indigenous ethnic groups (such as the Xhosa, Sotho, and Zulu) who held sovereignty prior to the colonization of the country. While I will focus on the significance of kwaito to populations of black South Africans within the townships, it is important to note that during Apartheid the colored population was also segregated to respective township communities.

My sources varied in their definitions of kwaito, referring to it as “South Africa’s counterpart to rap” (Stiengo 2007:26) or “a style of popular dance music featuring rhythmically recited backing with strong bass lines . . . named after AmaKwaito, a group of 1950s gangsters in Sophiatown, from Afrikaans kwaai, ‘angry, vicious’” (Sizwe 2008:92). Developed from an amalgam of influences, kwaito is difficult to succinctly characterize. Naturally, common misconceptions have arisen due to its ambiguous nature, thus there is one misconception I found important to clarify. Numerous articles depict kwaito as having emerged in the 1990s as a celebrated response to the end of apartheid. Instead, Gavin Stiengo asserts that there is “ample evidence that the form of music we today call ‘kwaito’ emerged, not in the ‘celebratory’ early 1990s as most people believe, but rather in the far more ambiguous and violent 1980s.” What is important to consider is the possibility that larger global shifts, such as implementation of a capitalist socio-political culture in South Africa, played a more significant role in contributing to kwaito culture than the end of Apartheid and the contributions of “bubblegum” music. (Stiengo 2008:77) Kwaito, like other musical genres, is simply a product of development that is carefully crafted through the experiences and history of those who develop it.

Students in Soweto influenced by Mpantsula style

The formation of kwaito within black townships reflects the search for identity. Faced with the freedoms of recently liberated South Africa, black South African youths were seeking to find cultural understanding and new opportunities. “These youth have been denied historical identity by the legacy of Apartheid and by exclusion from the liberation struggle, in which they were too young to play a role” (Swartz 2008:21). However, this generation had to face its own struggle— Apartheid-era segregation clumped together black South Africans without taking into account ethnic differences. The development of a distinct youth subculture would require the inclusion of diverse backgrounds within the townships.

Kwaito music employs languages such as isiZulu, Sesotho, isiXhosa, and tsotsitaal—a dynamic form of township slang that combines the various ethnic languages and is used as “a means of in-group communication.” (Sizwe 2008:91) Tsotsitaal has enabled the formation of a platform of commonality amongst an eclectic mix backgrounds and languages in the black townships. Part of the dynamism of tsotsitaal seems to derive from the flexibility of indigenous languages. “Xhosa language speakers are familiar with various language varieties as socialized into various community and ‘ethnic’ relationships.” “Holnipha” for instance, is a variation of Xhosa to be used by married women. A separate variation would also be used by young Xhosa males attending initiation school. (Sizwe 2008:93) The Xhosa ability to design a linguistic “dialect” for a specific context seems to contribute to the inventiveness of kwaito lyrical content.

Example: “amaboblosh” defined as “fancy glasses” in kwaito. The prefix “ama” is followed by the first syllable of the verb “bona” which means "to see", and “blosh” is believed to be “just a funky ending, showing perhaps that the ‘fancy gasses’ may be a status symbol.” (Sizwe 2008:97)

Khaya, a participant in a research interview, described that in the black township of KwaMashu “you walk past a house . . . and they’re all playing [house music and kwaito] . . . you become so used to it that it becomes a part of you.” As the community becomes socialized around kwaito music the “notion of a shared experience amongst those living in the black townships creates a common experience around music and community.” (Robertson 2011:461) But is the concept of community more than skin deep? While kwaito is often portrayed as “black township music,” realistically it is complicated by its interaction with language, race and class.

Tina is a “Model C,” a term used to describe a black South African who left the townships at an early age and transferred to a previously all-white school (the so-called “Model C schools”) which began to admit small numbers of black, colored, and Indian students in 1990. Her interview describes her complicated relationship with kwaito. “[When I listen to kwaito] there is an awareness that I don’t go to the townships anymore . . . So in that sense kwaito is my last link with the whole township vibe.” Tina could only partially identify with kwaito and her status was reinforced by those who lived in townships, “These peers mocked her at times for not understanding all the slang of the references to township life in kwaito lyrics.” (Robertson 2011:463-464) Kwaito becomes complicated as it moves beyond the music and into a racialized lifestyle. As the township experience becomes internalized into kwaito culture, those who move out are subjected to “outsider” status. Consequently, kwaito develops its own form of apartheid for those who do not meet the appropriate “qualifications.” Hailed as an opportunity for a formerly oppressed people, it ironically utilizes its own form of exclusion. Black South Africans who do not relate to the township lifestyle and the complexities of tsotsitaal are relegated to the peripheries of the culture. Exclusion from kwaito culture transcends barriers of race and language, and inserts itself into community based exclusivity. Barriers to” insider” status are thus broader than typically depicted. (http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/photobooth/2010/06/krisanne-johnson.html#slide_ss_0=6)
The almost exclusive use of tsotsitaal in kwaito creates a “local” subculture for blacks within the townships, while excluding white and colored South Africans who speak mostly English or Afrikaans, as well as blacks who no longer live in townships nor understand the township slang. “The language of kwaito makes ‘white’ people feel uncomfortable, out of place and— ironically— second-rate citizens. They know neither the moves, dress code, nor (street) language that is kwaito. It is a sardonic reversal from Apartheid days.” (Swartz 2008:21-22) Because insider status is contingent on familiarity with township life and an understanding of indigenous languages, especially tsotsitaal, post-Apartheid South Africa has managed to create a complete reversal of exclusion between black and white South Africans.

“There’s ownership of the music, I think that’s the key thing. It originates out of the townships. . . I think people are very proud of it, the youth especially.” -Adrian Louw, program integrator of Bush Radio (http://bushradio.wordpress.com/about/) (Bosch 2008:80)

Youth adorning the "Spotti" in Soweto Township

What the youth seeks is a sense of identity, an experience which will define the new standard of contemporary South Africa. Unable to identify with their parent’s struggles, this generation struggles to develop a culture and lifestyle that is their own. Swartz references (Clarke et al. 1997:110) that “Kwaito style is distinctive and like other youth subculture styles ‘dress, appearance, language, ritual occasions, styles of interaction, music…form a unity…which then defines the group’s public identity.’” (Swartz 2008:26) Black youth are at the forefront in developing a distinct identity in opposition to Western influences. This identity seems to present itself through mpantsula style, synonymous with kwaito subculture. (http://www.gaia-photos.com/south-africa-pantsula-dancers/) A staple of mpantsula style is the “Spotti.” What is essentially a “floppy sun hat,” has become a “mainstay of South African ‘black’ urban street wear” for two culturally significant reasons. The Spotti was worn by cricket players, “cricket is a symbol of British colonization and a sport played by the (previously) dominant upper-class ‘white’ elite.” Use of the Spotti thus serves to mock the former white colonial elites. Furthermore, the Spotti is “not the ubiquitous American baseball cap” showing another way in which South African youth are making strong efforts to distance themselves Western cultural hegemony. (Swartz 2008:27)

All Stars are the staple footwear in kwaito street culture

Another staple to kwaito street style is the use of Converse All Stars which, as a consequence of Apartheid-era trade embargoes and boycotts, are frequently imitated for the economical budget of young South African kwaito fans. (Swartz 2008:27) While kwaito can be “culturally comparable to hip-hop in that it has become an entire youth subculture with the means for creating new identities” (Swartz 2008:19), kwaito represents a “spectacular vernacular genre” due to its “departure from traditional South African ‘black’ pop or traditional African music, as well as due to its runaway popularity, success and potential for ‘black’ economic empowerment . . .” (Swartz 2008: 29) (http://vimeo.com/30360616)

Children run through the streets of Soweto

The kwaito certainly holds strong economic potential. In fact, the kwaito industry is a “US $130 million dollar a year industry,” and is almost entirely black owned and operated. (Swartz 2008:25) (http://yworld.co.za/about-us/) The black demographic majority proudly touts the booming success of kwaito in challenging Western “colonization” of South African industries and consumers. Yet it is just like any other economic market— it’s about maximizing profits. The exploitation of a population for profit has simply moved from white to black South Africans. “While 57% of South Africans (the vast majority of them ‘black’) currently live below the poverty line . . . even those youth who are clearly poor spend a disproportionate amount of money on (street cultural) attire and music.” (Swartz 2008:26) Accomplished kwaito artists and producers are profiting from a population that, for the most part, cannot afford such a lifestyle. The new black elite must recognize the scarce opportunities for black youth and assist in the development of community partnerships to facilitate a more accessible means of advancement for a larger portion of the black population. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1hCZGK7lVBU)

Kwaito culture quickly garnering international interest

Beyond the challenges faced by the kwaito subculture, it seems as though the exchange of international influences is witnessing something of a reversal. With increased accessibility to international consumers, “kwaito artists are increasingly writing their lyrics in English in order to capture mainstream markets.” (Swartz 2008:22) Swartz adds that American hip-hop groups are beginning to sample South African kwaito, such as P.Diddy who sampled from the group TKZee (http://vimeo.com/43680304). (Swartz 2008:29) Other artists such as Beyoncé and Basement Jaxx (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9z8tpaxaipU) have utilized the mpantsula style dance in their music videos. (Bischof Dec. 2013) Expanded accessibility to talent through the use of social media (i.e. Facebook, YouTube, etc.) has helped black South Africans showcase their talents for the world to see. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fg76pfGhdDI) As kwaito youth culture gradually penetrates external cultures with their unique dance moves and fashion sense, perhaps kwaito music will soon achieve a similar level of international popularity.

What seems most threatening to kwaito is not Western hegemony or colonization, but their propagated barriers to kwaito culture based in race, language, and the township community. In a 1994 pre-election survey, only 44% of the sample identified as “South Africans” (Welsh 1996:491). I believe the apolitical nature of kwaito and this persistence of disunity will make it difficult for kwaito to rise from its status as "genre of the black townships.” One might ask:“Will kwaito ever be capable of expanding as a genre if it continues to isolate itself?” I believe this will be an important point of observation for future research. Apartheid has only ended in recent decades. Understandably, tensions will not cease overnight. (http://yworld.co.za/swing-vote/) While it seems that in the immediate future kwaito will remain primarily within the black townships, South Africa is a rapidly progressing society. I predict that these tensions will fade in time and in the process kwaito will become truly “South African.

Bibliography

1. Welsh, David. "Ethnicity in Sub-Saharan Africa." International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Ethnicity and International Relations (Jul.1996), Vol. 72 No. 3, pp. 477-491

2. Swartz, Sharlene. "Is Kwaito South African Hip-hop? Why the Answer Matters and Who It Matters To." The World of Music, Kwaito (2008), Vol. 50 No. 2, pp. 15-33

3. Steingo, Gavin. "The Politicization of 'Kwaito': From the 'Party Politic' to Party Politics." Black Music Research Journal, Spring 2007, Vol. 27 No. 1, pp. 23-44

4. Steingo, Gavin. "Historicizing Kwaito." African Music, 2008, Vol. 8 No. 2, pp. 76-91

5. Sayto, Sizwe. "A Linguistic Study of Kwaito." The World of Music, Kwaito 2008, Vol. 50 No. 2, pp. 91-102

6. Bosch, Tanja."Kwaito on Community Radio: The Case of Bush Radio in Cape Town, South Africa." The World of Music, Kwaito 2008, Vol. 50 No. 2, pp. 75-89

7. Robertson, Mary. "The Constraints of Colour: Popular Music Listening and the Interrogation of ‘Race’ in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Popular Music, 2011, Vol. 30 No. 3, pp. 455-470

8. Biscof, Jackie. “See Ya, Twerk. It’s Pantsula Time.” Wall Street Journal 4 Dec. 2013. Web. 5 May 2014.
URL: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303985504579205952795099492

Stills

1. http://www.peranderspettersson.com/: “Soweto: South Africa” & “Rainbow Transit: South Africa”

2. http://www.krisannejohnson.com/: “South Africa” & The New Yorker-http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/photobooth/2010/06/krisanne-johnson.html#slide_ss_0=1

3. The Guardian- http://www.theguardian.com/music/musicblog/2008/jan/31/sowetostringsnalden

Audio Visuals

1.Red Bull Beat Battle 2011: http://vimeo.com/30360616

2. Langa Township: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1hCZGK7lVBU

3. TKZee “Dlala Mapantsula”:http://vimeo.com/43680304

4. Basement Jaxx “What A Difference Your Love Makes”: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9z8tpaxaipU

5. Red Bull Beat Battle- Meet ‘Real Action’: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fg76pfGhdDI

Web Materials

1. Wall Street Journal: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702303985504579205952795099492

2. The New Yorker: http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/photobooth/2010/06/krisanne-johnson.html#slide_ss_0=1

3. LUZ Photo (in Italian): http://www.luzphoto.com/works/?p=1221

4. Yworld: http://yworld.co.za/about-us/ & http://yworld.co.za/swing-vote/